Cuba and the liberal propaganda media
By Toni Solo
Cuba
was ranked at 51 in the 2007 UN Human Development Index. One place above
Mexico. You will never read that fact in
corporate mainstream reporting on
Cuba. Nor will you read that around 90% of
those eligible voted in Cuba's
recent elections. Nor will you read a thorough comparison between
Cuba and similar countries like, say,
Jamaica or the
Dominican Republic.
The Human Development Index
is a comparative measure of standard of living among UN member countries. In
last year's Human Development Index, Jamaica
sits at 101 and Dominican
Republic at 79. Among Caribbean countries only
the Bahamas, at 49, and
Barbados, at 31, do better than
Cuba. Among Central American countries only
Costa Rica, at 48, does better.
Reporting on
Cuba in the corporate liberal press goes to incredible
lengths to avoid any realistic account of
Cuba. Writing of the calm around the vote
ratifying Raul Castro as President, Rory Carroll of the Guardian wrote on
February 25th, "The dearth of suspense underscored the authorities' tight
control over the island and its 11 million people, many of whom hanker for
relief from poverty harsher than that experienced in eastern Europe before the
fall of the Berlin
wall."
The comparison is
hopelessly irrelevant. Living standards for the majority of people in all
Caribbean countries except the Bahamas and Barbados are much worse than in Cuba
and the same is true of other countries in the region like Honduras, Nicaragua,
El Salvador or Guatemala. Among South American countries only
Uruguay, Argentina
and Chile rank above
Cuba
in the UN index. That means that Cuban society, despite 45 years of vicious
terrorist attacks and genocidal economic blockade by the
United States, is more successful in terms of human
development than almost all its Caribbean neighbours and the great majority of
Latin American countries, including economic giants like
Mexico and Brazil
or "free trade" beacons like
Panama.
That very clearly means
Cuba's socialist system has proven better at meeting
people's needs than the corporate consumer capitalist system applied in most
other countries in the
Americas. The Guardian and the Independent are
supposed to be the flagship newspapers of liberal opinion in British society. In
fact most of their journalism on a range of issues, from
Palestine to Haiti
to Iran andAfghanistan to
Venezuela and
Cuba
parrots standard NATO government propaganda. Their editors might splutter in
response and point to trend-bucking journalists like Robert Fisk or Patrick
Cockburn. But those exceptions serve as journalistic loss leaders pulling in the
punters while routine editorial policy differs little from the downmarket
tabloids.
If one compares the
treatment of recent events in Cuba
with political coverage of the US
or Europe, the double standards are blatant.
David Usborne wrote in the Independent, also on February 25th, "...there was
little suspense in Havana yesterday anyway, as most people doubted the newly
elected body would dare do anything but salute the legacy of Fidel by selecting
his 76-year-old brother to take over. The only real alternative for the
614-member Assembly was to embrace a generational shift, choosing one of two
younger loyal lieutenants of the regime, either the Foreign Minister, Felipe
Perez Roque, who is 42, or the 56-year-old Vice-President, Carlos Lage."
So Usborne acknowledges
that there was a real alternative but still manages to make it sound as though
there was hardly any choice. Why does one never hear that logic applied to votes
in the US Congress on Iraq or
on support for Israel.
For example "...there was hardly any tension in Congress around last night 's
vote on the Middle East
as most people knew the elected Senators would hardly dare challenge the
pro-Israel lobby" or "almost no one expected any problems for the vote on
military spending because few politicians would dare challenge the defence
industry".
Usborne quotes a US State
Department statement from Condoleezza Rice. ""We urge the Cuban government to
begin a process of peaceful, democratic change by releasing all political
prisoners, respecting human rights, and creating a clear pathway towards free
and fair elections,"she said." But Usbourne might equally well have checked out
the internet to find quotes from important regional politicians. Lula de Silva,
President of Brazil,
quoted in an Agence France Press wire of February 19th "The leader insisted
that he was "happy that everything has been going on quite calmly....what we
feared was that, in an adverse situation, a turbulent process might have ocurred
and that the Cubans in Miami might have considered it the moment to return to
Cuba and turn the island into a zone of conflict.""
The Mexican government
stated its intention "to continue progress in a process of bilateral
rapprochement begun some months ago" following a diplomatic row between
Cuba and
Mexico's former President, Vicente Fox. The
Organization of American States Secretary General José Miguel Insulza
remarked
"whatever change may come about should come about from peaceful and democratic
dialogue by Cubans and in no case be moved by external efforts." The Jamaican
government information service
wrote that the country's right-wing President Bruce Golding "hailed
President Castro for his steadfastness, courage, strength of his leadership and
his unswerving commitment to the cause of the Cuban people."
The point of noting these
responses is that by quoting the by now almost irrelevant Rice, Usborne
prioritizes a completely skewed Americanist view of
Cuba. Most other governments in the
Americas, unlike the
United States
government , tend to be more ready to recognize the vulnerability of their own
contradictions. If one looks at the United States one can quickly note the
grotesque litany of human rights abuses prevalent there, from its racist
criminal justice system, to the Guantanamo base torture cells, to "war on
terror" denial of due process, to mass violation of privacy, the no-fly lists,
CIA rendition-to-torture flights, denial of basic rights to tens of
thousands of people from New Orleans, political prisoners like Leonard Peltier
and Mumia Abu Jamal...the list goes on and on.
The
US authorities are notorious for having jailed 5 Cuban
anti-terrorists who gave the FBI information about terrorists based in the
US. The Cuban government reckons over 3000
Cubans have been killed by terror attacks originating from the
United States. One wonders what would happen to
US dissidents who were found to be taking money from a hostile foreign power
responsible for terrorist attacks on the
US people. In
Cuba such individuals are tried and jailed.
Cuba's internal security arrangements have always resembled
those employed by the United
States and European Union governments when
faced with terrorist threats.
Such arrangements carry
similar likelihood of abuse and human rights violations. One has only to think
of the long war in Ireland,
or the Spanish government's security measures against ETA to find ready
comparisons, let alone the current wholesale violation of basic rights
experienced in the United
States. In the
UK, the DA notice self-censorship system
polices media compliance with the official government line. Currently, the
UK government is
censoring
ex-soldier Ben Griffin's attempts to denounce UK
collusion in torture in
Afghanistan.
By prioritizing US views
and failing to note other perspectives on
Cuba, Usborne and his editors deliberately
imply that Rice's view is somehow more important than those of other
government's in the region. In reality, US
prestige in Latin America and the Caribbean
has never been lower. Condoleezza Rice and her Bush regime colleagues have
presided over that. Quoting Rice's remarks and no one else's is lazy and
presumptuous - pretty much what one expects from Western Bloc corporate media,
liberal or otherwise.
Presumption and laziness
similarly characterize Phil Davison's piece in the Independent by-lined February
24th. Davison writes, "a Democrat as US president, particularly if it is Barack
Obama, might go a long way to hauling Cuba out of its time warp and turning it
into what some predict could be the commercial and tourism hub of the
Carib-bean." How about, "a Democrat as US president, particularly if they were
suddenly develop a moral conscience, might go a long way to hauling Colombia out
of its time warp, promoting a peaceful settlement of its 50 year old war,
funding compensation to 3.7 million people internally displaced by conflict and
encouraging the government to sever ties with narcotics dealing paramilitary
terrorists who claim to control 35% of the country's legislators."
But you will never read
that in the Independent or the Guardian because no
US President is ever likely to cut off support to their
narco-terror paramilitary proxies in
Colombia. The
UK
liberal Press are little more than megaphones for smug, self-serving Western
Bloc propaganda. Here's another one from Davison, on what Raul Castro might do
as President, "If elected, the chances are strong that he will ease the
stranglehold. That could sharply increase
Cuba's annual GDP per head of $3,000 (£1,500)
and average wage of $10 a month." In fact, an information centre like
Michigan State University's International
Business Centre reckons that in 2006 GDP per head in Cuba was US$4000 while
in Honduras and Nicaragua it was US$3100, in Jamaica US$4,600, in El Salvador
US$4,900.
Davison can point out that
tourist-economy countries like Dominican Republic
and Belize
have far higher per capita GDPs. But how then does he explain their dreadful
Human Development rankings compared to
Cuba? Both
Dominican Republic and
Belize in 2006 had GDP per
capita of US$8400. But in the HDI, Dominican
Republic is ranked 79, 28 places below
Cuba, while
Belize is ranked 80. These
contradictory figures point to the Latin American and
Caribbean region's fundamental economic problem : overwhelming
poverty resulting from gross inequality in income distribution.
The basic anti-Cuban moves
in Western Bloc consumer capitalist media propaganda outlets like the Guardian
and the Independent are these:
-
shun comparing like
with like - make out it's legitimate to measure
Cuba's economy against first world
standards
-
be careful to mention
the embargo but only in passing and omit mention of its genocidal intent and
effects
-
minimize
Cuba's unprecedented international
humanitarian contributions in health and education
-
try never to note
Cuba's world-beating scientific, sporting
and cultural achievements
-
avoid mentioning the
US government's support for terrorism against
Cuba, keep quiet about CIA terror bomber
Luis Posada Carriles
-
quote
Cuba's enemies, play down its worldwide
support from governments of all ideologies
-
discount the
Non-Aligned Movement and
Cuba's prestigious place within it
-
write out of
Americanist assumptions - the only government whose opinions are worth
anything on Cuba is the
United States
-
keep human rights
issues out of context and omit comparison with other countries in Latin
America, especially
Colombia
-
never mention that
Cuba sits above US NAFTA partner
Mexico in the Human Development Index
-
play down and/or
disparage Cuba's
participatory democratic system
-
never compare
Cuba's disaster prevention systems with the
United States' and never mention Hurricane Katrina in
New Orleans or its sequel
One doesn't have to write a
praise piece about Fidel Castro or Cuban socialism to recognize
Cuba's unprecedented achievements against the
most vicious aggression possible short of outright military assault. One may
have reservations, for example, about Cuban government willingness to promote
its citrus sector with help from retired Israeli government gangsters or to
welcome State visits by cruel, greedy dictators like President Obiang of
Equatorial Guinea. Or one might wonder why
Cuba's housing shortage seems to be as intractable as the
one in Spain.
But to find out what kind of well informed criticism may be legitimate to make
of the Cuban government or Cuban society, among the last places one should go
looking is in Western Bloc liberal corporate media like the Guardian and the
Independent.